Admiral William J. Fallon, USN
Media Roundtable Discussion
September 23, 2005
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Susan Crystal Public Affairs Counselor, US Embassy
Canberra:
: Good
morning everyone. Thanks for coming out so early. I hope you’ve availed
yourself of tea and coffee. You’re welcome to stay afterward. I know everyone has seen the Admiral’s bio
and you know a lot about him. I just would like to add a few remarks. He’s been in Australian this week holding
counterpart meetings. He mentioned yesterday at a briefing that he gave at the
Embassy, information that I thought was interesting. His area of responsibility stretches from California to
Madagascar and he’s responsible for three hundred and thirty thousand some
servicemen and women. So I imagine with
that breadth our journalists here this morning would manage to come up with a
few questions. So, I think we’re going to let the Admiral start with a few
comments and then we’ll open up for Q and A.
The Admiral is happy to call on people.
Admiral Fallon: Susan, thank you very much. It’s a great pleasure to be here.
I was to Australia once just a couple of months ago, but it was really just to
drop in and say goodbye to Peter Cosgrove as he was leaving the Chief of
Defense staff and I had a chance to meet some of the leadership but was not
able to do the detailed discussions that I’d like to have done so this is
really the first time back. I had a chance to spend a couple of days in Sydney,
now over here. The purpose of this primarily was to sit down with counterparts
at the annual Australian-US MilReps, that’s the title of the meeting, for
military representatives to go over the full range of interface that we have
with one another and to prep the ground, if you would, for the Australian-US ministerials
that are due to come up here in about a month and a half with the Secretaries
of State and Defense and their counterparts. So, it was a wonderful opportunity
to get to know people from all the armed forces. I spent quite a bit of time
with Chief of Defense staff Houston and yesterday with Ric Smith, the Secretary
of Defense and many of their people. We, I think, pretty well covered the
waterfront on things of interest to both countries.
Little bit of background – I’ve been in
my position now for about six months, a little bit more than six months. I’ve
made a couple of discoveries. One Susan just alluded to – the vast distance
which causes me to be on the road probably about half the time. The
responsibilities are first and foremost for US military personnel throughout
this area and then another major piece of work is the regional engagement
throughout the Asia-Pacific area. There’s some forty-three nations that are in
this region and they range from the mammoth China with about one point three
billion people and India to smaller nations, the islands of the Pacific, so
quite a range of people. About sixty per cent of the world’s population, half
the world’s surface and I’m discovering that there’s a lot to do. I am
delighted to be down here because Australia is the U.S.’s most enduring, most
important, most steadfast ally. For a hundred years now we’ve stood arm in arm
through every challenge. We have no stronger, no more steadfast ally in the
world and it’s a pleasure to be down here to dialogue with my counterparts.
We have a lot going on. I also want to
add my personal thanks to the leadership here for their wonderful support in
Iraq and Afghanistan. There are very difficult challenges for us. We are
working, I believe, making progress. It’s not easy, very complex, but my belief
here is that there are very few countries in the world that have the capacity
and the willpower to do what needs to be done and that’s exactly what our
forces are trying to do and I’m grateful for the leadership of both nations in
helping support our operations there.
I also wanted to thank our counterparts
for their support to the U.S. in our recent challenges with tropical storms and
Hurricane Katrina. It took a pretty good chunk out of our southern U.S. and we
discussed the similarities between these operations to recover from these kinds
of disasters and went back to early this year when Australia and the U.S.
joined arms in another disaster here with the tsunami and aftermath of the
earthquakes in the East Indian Ocean. We learned a lot of lessons from that
event and we have seen some terrific opportunities open because as countries
realize that these types of things are likely to happen again in the future
there’s a need to have plans made and to have arrangements agreed in advance to
be able to respond effectively and quickly. So we’ve had several meetings here
over the last couple of months. I actually went to one in Thailand during the
summer, which had representatives from all the countries, as many agencies as we
could round up. We didn’t have any
trouble getting people to come. There was an awful lot of interest in it - to
talk about lessons learned and to talk about how we might be prepared to do
this again. I found this to be very useful. We shared, yesterday and the day
before, the idea that this gives us a common ground that is not threatening to
other nations, in which there’s clearly self-interest on the part of all
nations to work together in ways that might be helpful to their people. Because
of the particular capabilities and capacities that Australian and US military
forces bring, this is a great foundation for us to actually get down and start
talking and dialoging with people who might otherwise be a little put off by us
for one reason or another. So, we’re grateful for that opportunity.
There are certainly lots of things to
do. We had no lack of challenges as we looked around the region, as we looked
at the various things that we have on our plates. As I came into this job and
surveyed the range of things, there are some things that keep me going –
certainly the situation on the Korean Peninsula. We’re hopeful that the
Six-Party Talks may in fact bear fruit as I, as you, I’m sure, watch the
different reporting. It appears that some progress was made. Whether it’s the
breakthrough that we are seeking, I’m not sure. We’ll have to see how this
plays out, but at least it appears that at a minimum, there’s been people
sitting down and discussing this seriously and potentially we may have a way
forward that I think would be certainly in our best interest worldwide.
Other things in the area are the
tremendous growth of China and the impact that this nation and its emergence
into the world is having. Clearly, this has profound implications for us, and
so I’ve been looking at this. I spent a lot of time visiting nations around the
Asia-Pacific area and I recently spent a week in China. I just came back from
my first time in many, many years. I had many impressions you may want to
pursue some of those. I had the first opportunity to actually sit down with
their leadership – primarily military, but I did meet Foreign Minister Lee. We
had good discussions about how things are now and where we might be able to go
in the future.
There are on-going challenges with
terrorists. As I surveyed the scene here, it’s clear to me that the nexus of
this challenge in the Asia-Pacific region is in Southeast Asia where a
combination of capacity, under-capacity, porous borders, lengthy borders, many
islands, lots of areas in which people can move relatively freely. Clearly the
connections between the terrorist groups, certainly in their methods, as we see
exploited around the region. This is of interest clearly to leadership here in
Australia as well as ourselves. How we can work together to meet this challenge
was a topic of discussion. As we look to around the world at other things, I
noted that the day before my arrival here there was an article press in the
U.S., in the Wall Street Journal, in fact, by your Prime Minister, talking
about the Proliferation Security Initiative and how important it is to us. The
challenge here, of course, is that certain nations have in their capability
right now the means of long-range missiles to reach well beyond their own
borders. As this capability proliferates and the potential to marry this up to
weapons of mass destruction of various types, the future in this area is one
that we clearly are very interested in and want to do everything we can to try
to keep under control.
At the other end of the spectrum, but
no less potentially challenging, is something that might become a real problem
and that’s the avian flu challenge. The potential for this disease or
combination of diseases to mutate something that becomes exceedingly
threatening to humans. And again this is a thing that I would expect that most
countries would not feel particularly threatened by as we sit down and talk,
but I’m finding that this also presents its own challenges because people are
afraid of the potential consequences, the impact that this might have on
economic activities within countries and between countries and the fact that it
appears to be pretty difficult to meet straight on. We’re trying to learn as
much as we can about this and work with the medical folks to see what measures
might be taken in advance to prepare for some eventuality that might cause us a
problem in this area.
Probably another dozen things, but I
don’t want to take up all the time spouting here. We talked about a number of
on-going activities we have between the U.S. and Australia. I have to tell you
that I was just really pleased with, not only the outcome of our discussions,
but with the fact that we appear to be on theme, on target, share very, very
strong common goals and objectives in the work we’re doing. It’s just a true
pleasure to come down here and to work with your people. I think with that,
I’ll turn it over to you and see what’s on your mind. Who would like to be
first?
Greg
Jennett: Since I’ve got this
here, I’m Greg Jennet …
Admiral
Fallon: Hi Greg.
Greg Jennett: Admiral, just to pick on that last point – U.S.-
Australian discussions. Could you update us on the outcome of your talks with a
couple of projects which are underway – like missile defense. And also, is the
question of your own force positioning settled? I know Australia has previously
been reluctant to have bases here. There are some training grounds being
developed since you’ve come to the job. Has there been any revisiting of that
question?
Admiral Fallon: First, let’s work backwards. There’s no talk about bases.
We’re not interested in basing. That’s not an issue. We’re certainly interested
in joint training. We did discuss the training program that we have had in the
past. There’s certainly a very strong desire expressed to me by my Australian
counterparts to continue the high-level training that the forces enjoy. This is
challenging from the standpoint of the time-distance factor, particularly with
so many U.S. forces tied up in the Middle East right now. We had a very
successful combined exercise this summer. Talisman Saber was the name it went
by. Clearly, a very strong desire to continue that type of exercise. Why is it
important? Because it gives us a rare opportunity to have very capable forces
working together. Often we’ll exercise with other nations, as well Australia,
but we find that the purpose of some of these is to bring along, to grow
capacity in nations that don’t quite have the abilities and materials and
training that our people have. So the high-end training is very important. We
also talked about the future and what we might do. As you know, your country is
bringing on a joint, combined training center up in the north. I think this is
really useful for us in the future. For a lot of things, I believe that it’s
really important that we take advantage of the technologies we have today to
make sure that we get maximum value from everything we do. In the past it’s
been my experience that we very often put a lot of personnel in the field to do
training exercises. That was kind of the way it was done. Rather, the measure
of effectiveness was often how many forces were able to be brought together and
the bigger the better. At least that was the thought process because therefore
it was more complex and more challenging for those that had to plan it, execute
it, so forth. It’s not necessarily the case in reality. What’s really important
is that we find out what actually happens. To document what people actually do,
the decisions that are really made so that we can determine whether we really
want these, these are the correct decisions and if they’re not, how we get
people to recognize what they’ve done and potentially to do it better the next
time. And so a part of this joint combined training centers, as I understand it
is, an ability to actually track what happens with the forces, with the
airplanes, with the ships and personnel. I think that’s really terrific. We have some of these capabilities in the
States. In fact, there’s a wide range of things. I think what underpins this
initiative is the desire to try and take advantage of technology, lessons
learned that have already been assimilated by others – the U.S. in particular.
As we, in the U.S., are making an attempt to tie together our various training
centers electronically, again the objective is to try to maximize efficiency
and take advantage of things that already exist. The potential to link some of
our activities and centers with your center here offers us great opportunities
for the future. Why? Because, again, it would enable us to engage various
forces and capabilities without having to physically move them to get together
in one particular place. It also offers the potential to have live activity
with real people and real machines merged with synthetic, if you would,
activity, virtual activity to increase the complexity of events and thereby be
more challenging to people. It’s a step at a time. We believe that there are
ranges and facilities and capabilities of this part of the world and
particularly in this country, that are not available in areas of the Western
Pacific. Certainly not to the extent that you have prepared this, We found them
to be mutually beneficial. Very useful for our people for training so that’s an
area we’re interested in pursuing.
Missile defense. There was an MOU
signed last year by the Defense Secretaries in this regard. I believe, I
haven’t read this word for word, but I believe it’s pretty much a general
document, which is an agreement to stay abreast of things, and to keep one
informed – one and the other. You are no doubt aware that the U.S. is pursuing
vigorously a missile defense program to meet this precise threat I mentioned
before. There are certain nations out there. North Korea is a particularly
challenging state now with a very significant long-range missile capability, a
claim of nuclear weapons – the purpose of these recent Six-Party Talks to try
and dissuade them and to disarm them from that - if in fact, it’s true. But the potential to have a country with the
unpredictability and uncertainly as to intentions, such as this one, with this
capability in hand causes us great concern. So we are trying to figure out how
we can tie together existing capabilities and develop new ones that would give
us some, give our people some protection in this area. And one of my
responsibilities is the defense, in fact, of Hawai’i and the Pacific Islands,
the U.S. territories and so forth. I’m extremely interested and focused in
what’s going on here. I think the connection here with Australia would be best
characterized as staying abreast of events, seeing what we’re doing, to see,
make sure that the technologies that are developed are understood and to enable
this nation to be cognizant of what’s going on in this rapidly changing environment.
Okay? Thanks.
Brendan
Nicholson: Brendan Nicholson from The
Age, Admiral. On the subject of China … How do you see the situation there developing and do you see any likelihood of a conflict in the Straits of Taiwan and what sort of role would you see for Australia if that happened?
Admiral Fallon: Well, first of all, it’s a tremendous amount of change
underway. A country of that size, with that many people, it becomes quite
apparent when one visits just what goes on in the street – looking around at
the mass of humanity is pretty breathtaking. This country is changing
dramatically from one which was internally focused for fifty years, or
thereabouts, to one that is now expanding rapidly, a dramatic increase in
economic capability, expanding its influence and interest worldwide and
attempting to come to grips with staggeringly rapid growth rate. I had a chance
on this last trip to visit several cities in the eastern part of the country. I
have impressions from those stops. I’m told by those who have been that it’s
significantly different in most of the western part of the country. The
economic growth is generally confined to the eastern area and that however
impressive the magnificent new structures in the cities and the broad avenues
and number of cranes, for example, per block in these cities – it’s equally
impressive to see how backward and undeveloped vast sections of this country
are. So there’s clearly a dialectic within the country as they come to grips
with this. Nonetheless, for us, the U.S. and Australia, I believe, we’ve had a
security situation in the Pacific for quite a few decades in which U.S.
capability provided the predominant backbone, if you would, for the stability,
general stability, that we’ve enjoyed since the end of the second World War. I
salute those who have been engaged in this process for these many decades. But
as China grows and they clearly expand their interest, day-to-day,
week-to-week, not only in the region, but in the rest of the world, I think we
have to recognize that it’s not going to be the same state of affairs as
occurred before. So there’s an awful lot of anxiety, I’ll tell you, in the U.S.
and it’s seen every day in the press. There’ll be those who have very differing
views of the future. No one claims to have actually, probably not true – some
people do claim to have insight into the way things might be – but there are
several camps and many see China as exceedingly threatening. They see the large
number of people. They see a government that’s fundamentally still a communist,
totalitarian state that does not give its people a full range of freedoms –
certainly that we enjoy. They’d see significant growth in the military. They’d
see the acquisition of new weapons systems, particularly from Russia – very
willing to sell almost anything for desperately needed cash these days. Then on
the other hand …
Paul
Bongiorno: Can I just ask a
question?
Admiral
Fallon: Sure.
Paul Bongiorno: Paul Bongiorno, Channel Ten. How good are the weapons systems
they’re buying in your view?
Admiral Fallon: Well, let me finish, if I could and I’ll come back to the
weapons business. But at any rate, China’s growth is, I think, particularly in
the military, would not be unexpected given their phenomenal economic expansion
here in recent days. They are very interested in sustaining economic
development, I believe, to meet the growing expectations of their population,
to try to satisfy and to pull these many millions of people out of the
conditions in which they’ve been existing. As they engage their neighbors
economically and other ways, and as they recognize that they do not,
apparently, have materials in the quantities that they need to sustain,
apparently, sustain this growth, they are now very much engaged throughout the
world in acquiring the energy sources and in solidifying the trade agreements
that will sustain economic activity. I’m sure as in any country as large and
complex as that there are many people with different ideas and I’m not about to
understand all the motivations, but I’m not particularly surprised to see that
their military is growing and that they are acquiring other capabilities.
Until very recently, China, from our
view, was pretty much completely focused on its own internal activity.
Defenses, their vast military, it’s pretty large number of folks, although they
told me they have begun shrinking the size of that force while I was there, but
they have a very large force. It’s very
clear to me that this thing was designed to be operated pretty much inside, or
very close to their own borders. They’re now interested in other things.
They’re interested in protecting, I believe, their sea lanes and probably
expanding their, certainly their knowledge of what’s going on and so we see
their acquisition of new things, different things. Some of these things, I
think are not surprising, others cause us some concern, primarily because we
don’t see, I don’t see a particular threat to China right now. There is no
nation that I’m aware of that’s stated its intent to have any untoward designs
on this country or its capabilities and certainly not the U.S. We are wary of the acquisition of some of
these systems because, frankly, they’re expanding capabilities that are well
beyond their borders and we just don’t see a need for that. I see a rapidly
expanding economy a little bit unhappy with the fact that their military rate
of growth appears to be in excess of their economic growth. So that was part of
the business of going to see them – to talk to them, to try to better
understand what they’re about and to dissuade them from any idea they might
have that the U.S. in particular has some evil intent towards them or that we
had. For example, it was put to me immediately upon arrival in Beijing, “Well,
we understand that the U.S. is really going to work hard to contain China’s
growth.” I said, the comment I used was
‘nonsense’. We want to work with China because the size of this country, the
vast influence, number of people, impact they have on neighboring countries is
very, very extensive. We are interested first and foremost in security
throughout the Asia-Pacific region and we recognize that we are going to have
China as a contributing member to the group of nations if we’re going to be
successful in that area.
The capabilities of some of their
systems. They certainly are more capable than they had been in the past.
There’s certain systems that we are very interested in making sure that we
could counter if required, but my sense right now is they are not near the
capabilities that, certainly the U.S., and I’m not sure if it, that they’re
interested, they disavowed any intent to get into a competitive cycle with us
on this kind of thing and I think that’s a good idea. For our side, one of the
key messages that I carried to them was the need to expand military to military
dialogue and to increase transparency between ourselves. There is in fact very
little interaction right now. We have more going on with countries a fraction
of that size on a weekly or monthly basis than we do with China and there are a
lot reasons for that. But, we’d like to see that change – so my visit this
month, Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld paying his first visit next month, and
President Bush intending to go in November – a series of meetings at
increasingly higher levels and we hope to engage them in a continuing dialogue
that would have us move forward together as opposed to some kind of a conflict.
So, we’re not interested in a conflict.
The question about Taiwan and China,
obviously a hot-button item with the Chinese. They want to make sure I
understand their position on Taiwan. I was quick to point out, in fact, the
U.S. position which is that we want to maintain essentially the status quo that
we’ve stated that we have a belief in a ‘One China’ policy, but that we are not
interested whatsoever in any military moves that would upset the current
status. We have every expectation that they would work together with their
counterparts in Taiwan to eventually come to a peaceful solution. So we are
not, we’re doing and pushing in every way to get them to come to a reasonable
solution to this thing and not to revert to military means. Makes no sense to
me. There’s so many ties between the two entities. It’s pretty much of a head
scratch to imagine what would motivate them to, that they would see advantage
in having a military dust-up.
Sandra
O’Malley: Perhaps, in a worst
case scenario, what roles do you think Australia would play?
Admiral Fallon: I don’t know, that’s up to Australia to decide what they
might do. From the U.S. part, we have an agreement. Our policy with Taiwan
dates back for several decades and we’ve made very clear our position that we
intend to ensure that Taiwan is not threatened by an external source. Again,
we’d like to see them figure out a way to solve this. There are so many ties
that there ought to be, they ought to have a pretty good leg up on it.
John Kerin: Admiral, John Kerin from The Australian. Just one
further question on that matter. There seems to be a perception that the ANZUS
Alliance from the Australian point of view that it doesn’t automatically, I
mean in the event of a hypothetical conflict, that it doesn’t actually, it
obliges Australia to consult, but not actually obliges Australia to support the
United States against China in a potential conflict.
Admiral Fallon: I believe the thrust of the ANZUS Alliance is to go to the
defense of one another should one of the nations be attacked and that an attack
on one would be considered one on the others as well. But the fundamental focus
of that alliance, dating back to, I think, September of ’51, was one that was
intended to strengthen the fabric of peace in the region. That’s really the
goal. As I recall, one of the paragraphs in the actual treaty was to state
publicly and firmly so that there would be no misunderstanding by any nation
that an attack on one of the parties would be considered one on the all. I
don’t think it mentioned Taiwan or China or anything like that. It was designed
to be a self-supporting among the nations that signed it. Sir?
Geoffrey Barker: Geoff Barker, Australian Financial Review, Admiral. Last week
the great, good Russell Meade was in
town and he told a seminar that 9/11 had permanently changed the focus of U.S.
security policy from the Atlantic to the Pacific and he projected that in
future you’d have Europe and perhaps Latin America as third order items behind
the Pacific and the Middle East. First, do you agree? And secondly, what would
that imply for your command, particularly in terms of the potential, both
asymmetric and state on state issues? And I wonder if I could just ask you
another question about North Korea which you raised twice? Particularly in view
of the, what happened last week in the wake of the apparent Six-Party agreement
and the back-away. Given North Korea’s record, do you have any confidence that
the, you know, North Korea really can be dealt with in a rational way? I mean,
this is a country that kidnaps and drug runs and money launders. It’s a
gangster regime. Can we really deal with it rationally?
Admiral Fallon: Good question. If I could, before I answer those, I probably
ought to go back and make sure I was straight on the Taiwan thing. We are
determined to help the Taiwanese meet their legitimate self defense needs. We
have stated that we, as a nation, the U.S., support the notion of ‘One China’
policy, but that we would do what we could to ensure that Taiwan could defend
itself, in fact, if it were attacked.
The shift back to the question of focus
in the Pacific after 9/11. I think that may be a little bit of, a little bit
much to say because we have tremendous interests in other areas. But there’s a
clear new attention being paid to the Pacific region for a host of reasons. Not
least of which is the size of the population out here, the emergence of China,
the challenges of Korea – on and on and on. The extensive trade growth. We have
the Strait of Malacca: fifty per cent
of the world’s oil on a given day is transiting that one choke point. It’s of
high interest to the U.S., to Australia, to most nations in the world.
Tremendous growth in economic inter-dependence between countries. We have
historically in the U.S., through the duration of the Cold War, kept our
military forces generally balanced, if you would, from the Navy standpoint, for
example. We had the fleet split pretty much in half between the Atlantic and
the Pacific Fleets. This was really in response to the old Cold War threats of
the Soviet Empire and the fact that it was, met us around the world on both
sides. That’s changed now. We find increasingly that security is spreading in
Europe. Certainly, there are challenges of an asymmetric type or a non-large
force type that we have to deal with over there but the future challenges, the
major challenges appear to be more numerous out in this area than in others. I
also think that in the U.S. we have historically had a European focus, probably
a legacy of the fact that most of the people that began the country came from
Europe and those ties were pretty enduring. As we see demographic changes in
the U.S. and we see the realities of changes in trade and other interactions,
the focus is much more, much broader and certainly more interesting out this
way than it had been in the past. So I think there’s a continuation of growth there.
I don’t think we can afford to focus only on one area. The world’s too complex
and too inter-dependent and what may occur in one area certainly doesn’t appear
to be limited very long to that area. Things spread very rapidly, so I think
we’re going to, we’re really increasing our attention in the Pacific. For me
this is a lot more work, a lot, a number of issues and things that we have to
deal with are certainly growing and certainly keep me well employed, I think
for the near future.
North Korea – a very interesting
challenge. I don’t know how to, I don’t know, I wish I had better insight into
what goes on in there. I’ll give you what I’ve experienced and what I’ve heard
from pretty good sources. I visited South Korea and I was taken by the phenomenal
economic growth in that country. Pretty astounding because I hadn’t been there
in a number of years. Then I went up to the DMZ and I spent an hour or so up
there with the South Korean military in their forward positions, looking into
North Korea. The difference is astounding if you haven’t had the opportunity to
do this, I’d recommend you might consider it. Behind me is this phenomenal,
intense activity level. You can feel it. It’s a country that by the technical
measures has more internet connectivity, it’s more wired than any place in the
world. A very, very open and free, free-wheeling democracy in action. Every
kind of sign of growth and infrastructure and so forth. Highways and railroads
and golf training areas and you name it. Look to the north – there’s nothing.
It’s virtually desolate wasteland. It was still late winter so things were
naturally brown. For one half hour I stood in an observation post looking north
and I never saw a single vehicle. Not one. I saw people hunched over scurrying
between huts and houses and villages. I saw bicycles. I’m told by people who
have visited the place that people are, in fact, truly starving. I had a visit
from (a UN official) who had just come back from North Korea and he told me
anecdotal stories that were pretty sad. They’re working overtime to try to help
alleviate starvation. I took note of the fact that this morning I saw a little
blurb, news clip, from some source in North Korea that they’ve now declared
that they don’t need any more food aid. That people are doing well and I don’t,
this certainly doesn’t mesh with the stories I’ve heard. The visuals are pretty
gripping and yet this country continues to develop, they claim, nuclear
weapons. You’ve seen all the reports there. They are clever people. They have been
engaged in every kind of illicit activity one can imagine. So trying to
decipher what they’re about is really a challenge. I take it as a positive sign
that after several sessions, weeks of negotiations of which it appeared to be a
complete stalemate between North Korea and the other nations involved in the
six-party talks that there was, at least for some time, apparent agreement to
actually move forward. So I would, as our counterparts here would hope, some
expectation that we could actually move them forward. South Korea, there are
some signs that might give us some hope. South Korea is intently focused on
getting closer together and my interactions with their leadership convinced me
that they are spending a lot of time every day working on the idea that
eventually there can be some kind of reconciliation between North and South
Korea and they see their family and ethnic and many other ties. The number of
people who take advantage of an opportunity to actually visit a site in North
Korea, which is an interesting, curious event.
The North Koreans have opened up a little enclave just north of the
border on the east coast in which they invite South Koreans to come up by bus
and they can actually say they’ve been there and see. And South Koreans are
signing up for this program at an astounding rate. Some thirty thousand a
month, I’m told, that just go up on a bus so that they can be there. South
Korea has financed a brand new road and a railroad to cross, that cross right
through the DMZ into an economic development zone just north of the border,
about ten kilometers north, in which they are actually building factories. The
intent would be to employ North Koreans and to actually produce material goods
that are certainly needed by every measure in the North and thereby to start,
jump-starting some more activity. There are lots of initiatives, particularly
by the South Koreans. There’s lots of food that’s coming in from UN and other
places and lots of rice and fertilizer from the south. Certainly, lots of attempts
being made to engage these folks. We have been asking the Chinese very
seriously to engage with these people as they, it would seem, have more access,
historically their relationships are better, certainly than ours, to see what
they can do to loosen them up. We’ll just have to see, but it is certainly a
big challenge. Sir?
James Grubel: Admiral, James Grubel from Reuters. Just in your opening
remarks, you mentioned avian flu and I’m just wondering how big an issue this
is now for military and strategic planners and do you see that if this does
become a pandemic that it’s going to pose problems that may need military,
military intervention or cause great disruption in the region?
Admiral Fallon: This is one in which I’m learning something new everyday. My
understanding of the situation, and we’ve spent a fair amount of time on it. It
was the subject of a serious planning effort by one of my component commanders
which they tell me they’re ready to brief me when I return. To make sure we
better understand it and to have some understanding of the magnitude of a
potential problem and how we might respond to it. The danger here is that, as I understand it, this flu exists
today, or a version of this flu exists in animals, particularly in birds of
various types. The challenge in Asia, particularly, is that you have vast
populations who are in very close proximity to these bird populations, whether
they are domesticated things like chickens – and we’ve had the event a couple
of years ago where there were millions of birds that were found to be infected
and the economic impact of having to destroy these things was significant. But
the more serious potential is that this flu, influenza mutates into something
that is sustained in human beings. The docs tell me that this has precedent in
history. This is not some off the wall, you know, one in a million chances
could happen. They don’t know exactly what the triggers might be, but that the
occurrence of this influenza it can in fact be transmitted to humans. There are
now documented cases in several countries in Southeast Asia in particular in
which humans are believed to have died from contact with this influenza. Long
term challenges is that it mutates to a point where it becomes very easy to
transmit between humans. That’s when the potential problem would be. The
military role here would be from one of having the capacity to help react and
to aid populations that might be affected. The one, the bumper sticker, that my
doctor puts in front of me is the Spanish influenza epidemic that ravaged the
world, I think it was in nineteen eighteen, in which millions and millions of
people died in a very short period of time. This isn’t something that was
stretched out over a long period. People were really dropping very quickly,
millions of people in the U.S. and throughout the world so it’s really high
interest. What can be done to prevent it? What I’m told is that there are
inoculations that have some capacity against the existing influenza, but the
real challenge will be trying to determine if and when this thing mutates to
something that’s extremely contagious for humans, how quickly the medical
personnel can get access to these infected folks and be able to examine the
fluids and develop a vaccine which would then be effective against that
particular influenza. This is, they tell me, not something, as they understand
it today, can be done in advance. So what’s the view here, that as we talk to
other countries I think it’s very important that – first of all, countries
recognize the potential. They may not like it, particularly with the economic
impact it might have, but recognize the potential. Not be shy about exchanging
information so if in fact it appears that there’s an outbreak in some area that
as rapidly as possible, those who might have the capacity to do something can
find out about it, get to the scene and start dealing with it. We’re going to
talk about it. We have a Chiefs of Defense meeting scheduled in Honolulu for
next month and I’ve got that as one of the agenda items. I’d like to talk to
the defense chiefs about.
Cynthia Banham: Admiral, Cynthia Banham from the Sydney Morning Herald. You’ve
mentioned quite a number of potential security threats in the region. I wonder
what you consider to be the most significant security threat in the Asian
region and also what threat you think could be posed by rising tensions between
China and Japan and whether you think that’s significant?
Admiral Fallon: It’s difficult. We’re concerned in the U.S., first of all,
with the worldwide terror threat. It’s not a force on force thing. It’s a
challenge that we all have to face because the people that perpetrate this kind
of activity are throughout the world. They have all kinds of causes. We have a
particular challenge with al’Qaeda and their associates who have wreaked havoc
in many of our nations and are, obviously, by every statement, determined to
continue to do that so that is our number one priority in terms of threat right
now, for me. Long term the biggest challenge, I think is how we come to grips
with China. Not as a particular threat because I believe that there are
hundreds of things that we could be doing together to, that we have common
interests and that we ought to be working very hard so that we come to
agreements necessary to move forward together in a non-confrontational way.
That was, again, the focus of my visit to China was to engage the leadership in
getting the contacts started that are going to be absolutely essential to
lessening this apprehension, the fear and the unknown and so forth. This is
really difficult. As I’m discovering, particularly in Northeast Asia. It isn’t
a simple, ‘Well, China, Taiwan and if we could keep them from a dust-up then
everything’s wonderful’. You have these historic animosities. These things that
have occurred in the past that people haven’t forgotten, that they’re highly
sensitive to. The relationship between China and Japan is one certainly, you
know the history as well as I, is one that is not easily forgotten by anyone.
From my view, we have to deal with the present and the future. We were
certainly engaged, as you were, in World War II and in opposing the Japanese
and eventually turning the tide of that war and at the end of the war
contributed mightily, as you did, to the defeat of Japan. Since that time, this
country has adopted a different political system. It’s been in many respects a
good example of democracy in action. It’s recovered itself economically. It’s
contributed immensely to the wealth and development of not only Northeast Asia
but also the rest of the world in many respects. Nonetheless, there’s still
historical heritage that’s extremely aggravating to people and it’s just a
reality. But, at the end of the day I think we have to recognize that the past
is the past. We need to focus on the future. We need to focus on the things
that are of mutual interest that would be helpful to people and move on. It’s
complex, I recognize that. North Korea, South Korea, Japan so forth, but we
just have to move forward. First and foremost it seems to me is to get people
to be talking to one another, to get them engaged in common activities which
are of mutual interest and then we go from there in disarming. Sir?
Paul Bongiorno: Paul Bongiorno, Channel Ten. What’s your assessment of
developments in Indonesia and particularly the role that the Indonesian
military are now playing?
Admiral Fallon: Great, great question and a hot topic for me. I think that
from my U.S. perspective the potential with Indonesia today is a great
opportunity for us. You’re probably aware that for several decades now,
particularly the last half dozen years, the U.S. has not enjoyed very good
working relations with this country. A lot of things stemming from human rights
abuses and problems in the late nineties. In the aftermath of the tsunami,
there’s been a remarkable turnabout and I think the motivation for this I
primarily the fact that the U.S., Australia and other countries responded very
quickly, very selflessly, very generously to help people in need. This was
recognized fundamentally for what it is was and we began to see a significant
change in attitude and it’s certainly been apparent to me. So, as I look at
this country I see lots of challenges, of course. It’s a developing country,
immense. It’s as broad as the continental United States in dimension. It
straddles your entire northern border. And yet there are other signs that cause
one to be optimistic. It is a functioning, rough but functioning, democracy. I
often point out to my counterparts back in the US that in their last election,
it is my understanding that about three quarters of the eligible population
actually voted. Kind of embarrassing to look at numbers in my own country on
that regard - something that we just take for granted. And (indistinct)
progress. I went to Indonesia and met with President Yudhoyono. I met with
General Sutarto, the chief of their defense and their other leaders. I see a
willingness to engage and I think there is a lot of potential. This is the most
populous Muslim country in the world. It is significantly more moderate that
many of the Islamic nations in the world. It is an opportunity that I think we
have to take advantage of and that was in, because you, in this country, are
much closer to them. You’ve had historically greater contact. I believe that –
we have, in the U.S., much to learn from your interaction with them and we
discussed that. So I think the future is potentially very bright here and we
want to take advantage of.
James
Grubel: Is it time to start looking
at the arms embargo?
Admiral Fallon: This is, in fact, an interesting question. There is a very
strong feeling in my country with some of our political leadership that the
activities, particularly in the TNI, in the past, have been absolutely the antithesis
of what we would expect of behavior in a democracy. However, I believe that
there are changes that have occurred and I’m working to try to have
demonstrated action that I can take back to show some of the political
leadership in my country that there’s been enough change to merit some infusion
in aid to this country. And particularly things that are not particularly
lethal, such as parts for transport aircraft come to mind, which I believe are
needed pretty badly. And that I don’t think would be contributing to the long
term problem. It would help this country to deal with some of their challenges
and this would be in our best interest.
Paul
Bongiorno: Sorry, what would be the
particular need?
Admiral Fallon: The, among other things, need spare parts for transport
aircraft. This is something that would be, I believe, very helpful to them as
they come to grips with just the sheer dimension of their size – help them in
dealing with many of their internal problems. So, we had a chat, President Yudhoyono
recently visited the U.S., spoke with President Bush, had meetings with other
people. People in my country are looking for performance. They want to see
deeds in addition to words and we’re trying to work with the military in
Indonesia to provide that demonstration to back up their stated intent so that
we can move forward. But it is an opportunity, one that I think we should be
taking advantage of.
Geoffrey Barker: Geoff Barker again, Admiral. I don’t know whether you are
concerned or give much thought to this, but I was wondering if you’d given any
thought to the future of APEC as the East Asia Summit process develops. Does
that come within your area of interest and concern?
Admiral Fallon: It’s within my area of interest, not my area of activity but
in another lane. But it falls into the category of relationships between
countries, sharing common interests. The more of these that can be established,
that have substantive progress, I believe the better off we’re going to be. The
more people find common ground in things that are mutually of interest, the
more that people can learn from one another, the better off we’re going to be.
I’m interested in inclusion, by the way, in this business, not deciding that
well, this or that entity or state isn’t quite what we had in mind. That’s not
helpful and that’s been a challenge and one of the things that I get a chance
to do because I have the opportunity to go and meet with a lot of people is to
support the idea that we ought to be looking around to see who else we can
bring around as opposed to who we can exclude. I think there’s some value
there. Okay? Anybody have one last burning crash?
Sandra
O’Malley: Can I just ask you, one
issue, the question of Burma which obviously wouldn’t be a military threat, but in terms of security
in the region, because it’s so closed, what sort of threat does it pose?
Admiral Fallon: I don’t know about threat, but it’s a challenge because we do
not have a relationship. I don’t have any access to, what do they call themselves,
Myanmar, now. They’re inside of a closed society with a leadership that does
not appear to be inclined to act in a way that we would like to see them
acting. I personally do not have access into Burma. I don’t have an interaction
with them. I have discussed this with President Thaksin in Thailand, their next
door neighbor. They have probably as extensive a network of connections as
anybody so we’re relegated right now to third party information on that. Not
helpful. I’d love to see a change. This is going to be, I believe, something
that the neighboring nations are going to have to work on. Whether it’s within
ASEAN or whatever forum they choose to take as the avenue, but it’s a concern.
With North Korea, it’s the other state within the region that is really out
there on the fringe and really outside the mainstream of other activity in the
region. So it’s a concern. I don’t know that it poses a particular threat, but
I don’t know what they’re doing with their own people inside and that’s
probably the biggest, biggest challenge – that they create a situation with
long term unrest and that spills over to other, affect other countries. Okay,
folks. I think, I probably ought to end it. Thanks for your time. I appreciate
the effort. It’s great to be here.
## DISCUSSION ENDS ### |